Reform of Federal Law Enforcement Practices

The Unfinished Agenda for Reform
of Federal Law Enforcement Practices

In testimony before the Senate on October 18, 1995, Deputy Attorney General Jamie S. Gorelick described a series of "reforms" made by the Justice Department since the Ruby Ridge incident. Upon examination, the "reforms" fail to address the real issues of crisis management, use of deadly force, militarization of law enforcement, accountability, and control of sensitive or dangerous techniques that have been highlighted by the tragedies at Waco and Ruby Ridge.

I. Crisis Management

The Deputy Attorney General testified that DOJ had "revamped dramatically" the way it responds to crises, by creating the Critical Incident Response Group (CIRG) for managing crises like Ruby Ridge. (In fact, the creation of CIRG probably had more to do with Waco than Ruby Ridge.) Gorelick testified that the CIRG "combines both a tactical component such as the HRT and a negotiation component."

However, the creation of CIRG fails to address the key issue posed by barricade and hostage situations: whether to negotiate and wait, or to bring increasing pressure to bear on the subjects, including the use of military equipment, until they break and surrender (or until they provoke the use of deadly force). In personnel terms, the same question is: who is in charge, the negotiators or the tactical team (i.e., the FBI's Hostage Rescue Team)? That was the key question at Waco. It remains unresolved today. Putting the two philosophies into a single unit does not resolve the conflict. (There was never a "conflict" at Ruby Ridge because the HRT killed Vicki Weaver and wounded the two men before the negotiators ever had a chance to begin negotiating.)

In a future crisis, the on-scene commander and the headquarters leadership will be faced with the same conflict between the negotiators and the HRT that existed at Waco, and, as far as we know, they will have no more guidance today than they had two years ago as to how to resolve that conflict.

-- Reforms Needed: DOJ's crisis management policy should clearly state that time and negotiation, not deadly force, should be used to resolve a standoff. That is, until use of force is necessary to protect life, negotiation should be the preferred approach. The policy should draw a distinction between hostage situations, where protecting the life of the hostage must be taken into account, and barricade situations. In the latter, where the subject is cornered and there is little chance that he will escape, it is not proper to "arrest" the person by killing him. For situations such as Waco where law enforcement confronts a highly motivated, ideological group, great weight must be given to the likelihood that "shrinking the perimeter" and other pressure tactics will only increase the cohesiveness and determination to resist of the barricaded group. The use of helicopters, armored personnel carriers and other military equip-ment should be curtailed. In cases dealing with religious groups, the government should seek the expertise of qualified scholars on religion and avoid reliance on proponents of "cult" stereotypes.

II. Use of Deadly Force

The rules on use of deadly force issued by the Justice Department on October 17 fail to resolve key issues posed by the conduct of government agents in the fatal confrontation with Randy Weaver.

The rules provide no more guidance than existed before. Most of the operative language is drawn directly from Tennessee v. Garner, the 1985 Supreme Court case that governed federal as well as local police use of deadly force.

Indeed, in one key respect, the new guidelines are weaker than Garner and offer less guidance than before. The basic rule under Garner and under the guidelines is that a law enforcement officer may use deadly force if there is probable cause to believe that a suspect poses a significant threat of death or serious physical injury to the officer or others. Garner and many courts have used the word "immediate" to further define the nature of the threat. The new DOJ guidelines, however, use the word "imminent" and the commentary accompanying the rules states that the word "imminent" was used specifically because it is "broader" than immediate. Moreover, the commentary states that the concept of imminent threat should be understood to be "elastic," and not fixed in time.

In language that appears tailor-made to defend the FBI's conduct at Ruby Ridge, the commentary concludes, "a subject may pose an imminent danger [justifying use of deadly force] ... if ... he or she ... is running for cover carrying a weapon." In other words, the shot that killed Vicki Weaver would be permitted under the "new" rules just as the FBI claims it was under the "old" rules.

-- Reforms Needed: The rules should use the narrower word "immediate," and should make it clear that when the threat of injury recedes, the justification for use of deadly force also recedes. There should also be guidelines addressing the specific problem of "dynamic" or "no-knock" entry, requiring high-level review and judicial approval of plans to execute a raid without complying with the Constitution's normal knock and notice requirement.

III. Internal Investigations

In what may be the one genuinely substantive reform announced by the Deputy Attorney General, she described the Attorney General's decision last year to require the FBI to notify the DOJ Inspector General and the Office of Professional Responsibility of investigations of FBI employees. As one move in the on-going power struggle among the FBI, OPR and the IG, this is a small, but positive step toward independent accountability for the FBI. The actual practice under the AG's directive should be scrutinized. Does the IG, for example, have a mechanism to monitor the disposition of cases over which it has not taken jurisdiction, to determine if the outcome is justified?

IV. Office of Investigative Agency Policies

As another reform, the Justice Department cites the creation of the Office of Investigative Agency Policies. This measure was prompted by neither Waco nor Ruby Ridge, but was the Department's answer to the controversy over whether to merge the FBI and the DEA. Rather than merge the two, DOJ created the OIAP to coordinate activities of its criminal investigative agencies.

The Attorney General appointed FBI Director Louis Freeh to be the Director of the Office of Investigative Agency Policies. So the FBI director now wears two hats, and serves as the policy coordinator for all federal law enforcement agencies, setting policy on critical issues for his own and for other agencies. The "new" rules on use of deadly force were issued not by the Attorney General, but by FBI Director Freeh, acting in his capacity as Director of the OIAP, at the same time he was under strong institutional pressure within the FBI to defend the actions of his agent at Ruby Ridge.

The holding of two offices by the FBI Director, like his memo to the Deputy Attorney General on the disciplining of Larry Potts, illustrate the lack of meaningful external control and accountability over the FBI.

V. Improved Undercover Operations

It is odd, at best, that DOJ would cite undercover operations as an area of meaningful reform, since the last major change of the FBI's undercover guidelines, signed in 1992, weakened those guidelines in several respects.1 In letters to the Judiciary Committees, DOJ described the changes as follows:

"The central theme of these new Guidelines is ... to transfer substantially more authority over more complex operations to the field. The amount of time that an investigation can run and the amount of money that can be expended on the authority of an SAC have been more than doubled. Approval for operations wherein the only complicating factors are so-called 'fiscal circumstances,' involving the dedication of substantial amounts of government resources, can now be granted by a Deputy Assistant Director, and need not be reviewed by the [DOJ] Undercover Committee. "[A]n investigation which anticipates that the undercover agent will be participating in the following felonies would no longer be considered sensitive under the guidelines and do not require Committee review:

  • -- The sale of stolen goods when true ownership cannot be determined. ...
  • -- The controlled delivery of drugs which will not enter commerce.
  • ...

  • -- The payment of bribes which are not included in other sensitive circumstances."

It is arguable how serious these changes were, but they share a common theme: to reduce the level of supervision and control over undercover operations.

-- Reforms Needed: Not too many years ago, it was possible to talk seriously about prior judicial approval for some undercover operations, requiring the government to submit its justification for a prolonged operation to a neutral and detached judicial officer, as it does for search warrants and wiretaps. At this point, it seems reasonable to call for a reassertion of the oversight role of the Undercover Review Committee at DOJ.


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Footnotes:

1 The revision had nothing to do with Waco or Ruby Ridge. While the changes were approved by the Attorney General in November, 1992, the revisions had been under consideration literally for years, and the FBI forwarded a proposed final draft to the Department of Justice on August 26, 1992, four days before the confrontation at Ruby Ridge ended. Subsequent discussions produced what the FBI Director described in an October 28, 1992 memo to the AG as only "minor changes."


November 1, 1995

James X. Dempsey
Deputy Director
Center for National Security Studies